The fall of Argentina’s junta

The 1983 fall of Argentina’s ruling junta was part of an overall trend that saw the weakening and demise of many right-wing military governments in Latin America. Simultaneously, the de-escalation of the Cold War removed the major justification for their rule as well as the justification for support from the United States, the National Security Doctrine. In Argentina, the main causes of the transition from military rule to liberal democracy in 1983 can be traced to the backlash from the brutality of the regime, its failed economic policies and the loss of legitimacy of the armed forces after defeat at the Malvinas. The nature of the transition had many lasting consequences for the government of the next president Alfonsin who was weakened by the legacy of the junta and the devastated economy that he inherited.

Leading up the coup, President Evita Peron had lost the confidence of the public. Her repressive policies against her opponents had created widespread violence throughout much of Argentina. Her economic policies had also failed miserably. When the military seized power in 1976, they did so with the promise that they would save Argentina’s democracy by removing the unfavorable elements from the political system, put an end to the violence and restore the economy. It is also interesting and important to note that as had happened in past military coups in Argentina, “..military officers made sure that key landowner, business and labor leaders would support or at least accept military intervention(McGuire, 37)”.

Some of the first acts of the military were closure of Congress, a ban on all political parties, and the removal of all important provincial governors. This effectively ended public political participation and put the decision making power in the military elite. The junta decided on a power-sharing agreement between the Air Force, Navy and Army. The junta needed to present a united front to the general population in order to maintain confidence. Power was given to military commanders, who were given control of different regions. This caused wide-spread corruption and abuse in all levels of government. Along with this, the patron system transferred benefits to a select few people leaving much of the population without a voice and facing much economic insecurity.

One of the main stated goals of the junta was to stop the violence of the opposition. They did so by carrying out extremely repressive policies against the civilian population. This period would be remembered as the “Dirty War” The military used kidnapping, torture, extrajudicial killings, and imprisonment as the tools of repression. Everyone from “union leaders, writers, journalists, students and political activists(395)” were targeted. It is estimated that 30,000 people were disappeared. Despite the state-sponsored terrorism carried out against the civilian population, resistance was always present. Different groups formed to oppose the military’s practices, and they used a variety of forms of protest. An example of this manifested itself in weekly demonstrations in the center of Buenos Aires at the Plaza de Mayo starting in 1977. The group, which called itself the “Mothers of Plaza De Mayo”(Argentine Reader, 439) was conducted by mothers and grandmothers of those who had been disappeared.

In response to the weakened economy, the junta decided to end the protectionist policies first instituted by Peron several decades prior. They decided to follow the neo-liberal order, the so-called “Washington Consensus”, and thereby earn support of the United States. These policies called for opening up the economy to foreign competition. Simultaneously, public sector spending was drastically cut to minimize government expenditure, and emphasis was placed on repaying the country’s debt. Implementing came at the cost of impoverishing much of the country. The policies exacerbated the economic problems and also caused economic hardships for much of the population.

Measures were taken to deal with Argentina’s labor unions, who comprised some of the Peronist Party’s most militant and vocal members. That a few union leaders were arrested and unions were co-opted by placing those pro-Junta loyalties at leadership positions. Overall, the government’s effort to silence the working class failed. In fact, according to James W McGuire, during the dictatorship “…union combativeness helped create a democratic opening by increasing the military government's sense of isolation and desperation (McGuire, 67)” .

The military was aware of its weakened position and in an effort to stir nationalist and patriotic support for the government, in 1982 launched an attack on the British -controlled Malvinas islands. The armed forces were able to occupy the island and inflict some casualties on British warships. Although the junta was expecting Reagan’s support and defense of the attack, their pleas fell on deaf ears in Washington. When British reinforcements arrived, the poorly trained and equipped Argentine forces were routed and slaughtered. The government faced extreme humiliation at home and abroad, and the military’s prowess was discredited. This sealed the fate of the junta whose grip on power was already weakened.

In recognition the end of their rule was near, the junta decided to to start the transition civilian government. However, the transition was delayed for some time because of the military’s fear for prosecution by the proceeding government. They were forced to promise elections and allow civilian candidates to assume power. The junta also lost its unity which it had depended on to rule when the Air Force and Navy withdrew. Finally, after a delay of a year, elections were held and Raul Alfonsin was elected president.

The results shocked everyone as it marked the first time the Peronist candidate had lost a fair and open election. As James McGuire points out, "Contributing to the defeat was the overly aggressive campaign conducted by the Partido Justicialista.." and "Rumors abounded that the "62" [one of the Peronist party factions] leaders had secretly agreed to support an amnesty for military officers accused of having committed human rights violations during the dictatorship.."( McGuire, 44). The junta had allied itself with the Peronists who were expected to win, and this was seized on by the Radical’s candidate Raul Alfonsin. Alfonsin made collaboration with the junta a important issue and this helped him sway many voters.

Unfortunately, Alfonsin inherited the many problems that the junta had created. His troubles were made worse by the small margin by which his party controlled the lower house and that the Peronists controlled the country’s senate. The country had deep scars from the torture and disappearances of much of the population, the economy was in shambles, and there was a powerful movement that wanted justice for the many crimes committed under the junta. Alfonsin’s presidency would have to proceed in the shadow of the junta’s reign.

His efforts at getting justice for the crimes and human rights abuses conducted during the Dirty War would come in the form of the Trial of the Juntas and the creation of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons. This resulted in the publishing of the written testimony of the victims in the report Never Again, which chronicled the junta’s brutality. All the while the military pressure was persistent, and reversing his pledge to hold all soldiers accountable for their crimes, Alfonsin shortly after helped pass the Ley Punto Final- Obediencia de Vida. This ended the prosecution of the military for crimes committed under the junta. This immunity has only recently rolled back. This concession was made after two military revolts, in hopes that it would bring an end to the instability and political violence that had plagued the country. Ultimately, due to worsening economic conditions and constant unrest, Alfonisn was forced to resign before his term was complete, leaving the country’s problems for the next leaders to deal with.