The History of the Media Coverage of the Israel-Palestine Conflict

Note: (This was written in early 2006, but this is still relevant as ever for those seeking an understanding of the roots of the current conflict.)
By Jaisal Noor
As the saying goes, there are always two sides to every story. The Israel-Palestinian conflict over the land historically known as Palestine is no different. On one side you have the Jews, a people brutally persecuted throughout their history. Their persecution culminated in the 20th century Holocaust resulting in six million European Jews being exterminated by the Nazis. On the other side you have the Palestinians, consisting of both Muslim and Christian populations. These people have been without a state since 1948, when a Jewish state was established in the UN Jewish Mandate, and have been living under a military occupation since 1967. While Jews maintain a Biblical right to their land, Palestinians argue that they had been living there thousands of years before the Zionists started arriving in the late 19th century. Also, they bring up that while Jews were being persecuted by Christians, they had always been welcome and protected in Muslim lands. The Jewish suffering had taken place at the hands of the Europeans, not the Palestinians.

Since the 1967 War, Israel occupied and started establishing settlements in the land promised to Palestinians, the West Bank and the Gaza strip. The problem is that according to International Law, and affirmed by U.N. Security Council rulings, it is illegal to acquire land through war and it is illegal to build settlements on those occupied lands. Although the Palestinians have received much moral support from the remainder of the world, this has done nothing to relieve them of the illegal occupation, land seizures, torture, and killings carried out against them by Israel. They have in turn committed their own unjustifiable acts in retaliation.

Throughout this time, the US mainstream media has been overtly biasedii through several means.iii The first method is achieved by largely ignoring the atrocities of Israel, while highlighting those of the Palestinians. The second is by ignoring and downplaying the US support for Israel. The third is by not providing a context in which the news unfolds, thus denying people an understanding of the situation. By inaccurately depicting the Israel-Palestine conflict, the media prevents a fair picture of situation from being created.

The entire portrayal of the familiar term ‘Peace Process’ is instrumental in understanding the bias. The reason the peace process was started, the reason Israel decided to reverse its previous position of not negotiating with the PLO, was the high price that it was paying for its brutal repression of the largely nonviolent Palestinian Intifada in the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza. Because of the uprising, for the first time it became necessary for the Israelis to start peace talks. Culminating from a series of talks in the late eighties and early nineties was the Oslo Accords of 1993.

The press heralded the 1993 Oslo Accords as a breakthrough in the peace process. The reality of the situation was very different. All of the central issues for the Palestinians, including sovereignty, statehood, final borders, and the question of settlements, Jerusalem, refugees, and water were all deferred. Israel got acceptance and recognition from most of the Arab world and developed commercial, political or indirect relations with major Arab countries. In light of the so called breakthrough, the Palestinians were allowed to be pushed into the back of the minds of their supporters. All that the Palestinians actually got from Oslo was limited control of 17.2 % of the West Bank and Gaza, divided into 75 islands, all isolated by the Israeli-controlled territory and checkpointsiv. This self-rule was instituted by PLO leader Yasser Arafat. He acquiesced to Israeli demands by accepting Oslo, and following the standard colonial pattern, in many ways became a collaborator.

To maintain his usefulness to the Israelis, Arafat had to impose a harsh regime on those who he ruled. This rule only exacerbated the cycle of violence. As renowned British correspondent Robert Fisk explains, “Amnesty [International]’s own words were more eloquent than any reporter’s notes: “…killings of Palestinians by Israeli security services or settlers have led to suicide bombings and the deaths of Israeli civilians. These have led to waves of arbitrary arrest, incommunicado detention, torture and unfair trials [by Palestinian Security forces]. The Palestinian population have been the main victims of such violations…the Occupied territories have become a land of barriers, mostly erected by Israeli security services, between town and town and village and village.”v By not providing its readers and viewers of this essential understanding of this context, the American press obscured the public’s fundamental understanding of what was to unfold in the following years.

The press depicted this period as the time of the Peace Process, a process that was improving the situation for the Palestinians. Instead, after Oslo the situation got significantly worse for the Palestinians. Between 1991 and 2000, the number of Israeli settlers doubled from 200,000 to 400,000, a flagrant violation of the terms of the Oslo agreement. The people living under occupation were subjected to increasingly harsh treatment, as they watched the peace process stutter and fail. By the year 2000, things were getting desperate. After last-ditch efforts at Camp David and Taba, talks were suspended without any significant deals as new governments took power in the United States and Israel. After seven years and virtually no real progress, all that was needed was the slightest spark to the powder keg of their denied aspirations for the situation to explode.vi

This came in the form of Ariel Sharon, in September 2000. He marched onto the third holiest site in Islam, the Haram al-Sharif. Accompanying was one thousand troops and leaders of a group that wanted to destroy the Mosques, and replace them with Jewish temples. According to George W. Bush, Sharon is "a man of courage and peace," reported the Washington Post on January 5, 2006. It is instructive to note, this was stated with no comment. If one examines his record, not mentioned by the press, one sees a very different picture. One has to again go to a foreign journalist to get the history on the man held “personally responsible”vii by his own government’s investigation for his role in the massacres of up to 1,700 civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in Lebanon. This was a wound still fresh in the minds of the Palestinians.viii

The result of Sharon’s visit was the second Palestinian Intifada, a rebellion that continues to this day. The Intifada, started with unarmed rock throwers attacking Israeli troops. The Israeli troops responded with deadly force. Noam Chomsky, writing in the May 2002 issue of a London-based magazine Red Pepper, makes a very powerful point as he cites the American response, and the press’s refusal to report it. In the days following the start of the Intifada “Israel used US helicopters to attack civilian targets, killing 10 Palestinians and wounding 35, hardly in "self-defense." [President] Clinton responded with an agreement for "the largest purchase of military helicopters by the Israeli Air Force in a decade" (Ha'aretz, 3 October, '01), along with spare parts for Apache attack helicopters. The press helped out by refusing to report the facts” Unbelievably, one has to go to the Israeli or British press to discover this fact. This self-censorship in the American press continued throughout the Intifada.

As the second Intifada grew, so expanded the Israeli response. These responses took three main forms: illegal killings, tortures, and house demolitionsix. According to the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the occupied Territories, B’Tselem, 3,386 Palestinians have been killed since September 2000, 1,008 of them were classified as combatants, and 676 of them were children. During the same period, 992 Israelis were killed, of those, 309 were security forces and 118 were children. Amnesty International writes that “Israeli security services have routinely tortured Palestinian political suspects on the occupied territories”x. B’Tselem counts that 4170 Palestinian homes have also been destroyed since the beginning of the second Intifada.xi

In multiple cases, these activities were downplayed, while their Palestinian responses, such as suicide bombings, drew much more prominent coverage. Importantly, the noted connection between Israeli attacks and Palestinian response is left out. For example, the internationally acclaimed website Electronic Intifada, notes that CNN exclusively uses Israel figures of killings and demolitions, totally ignoring the corresponding reports compiled by B’Tselem. The disparities are shocking. Where as …Israel claims that during … 13–24 May 2004 “ that 40 "armed [Palestinian] militants" and 12 Palestinian civilians were killed, and 56 buildings were demolished… During the same period, fieldworkers from the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, based in Gaza, recorded that "56 Palestinians, 45 of whom are civilians, including 10 children, were killed and at least 200 others were injured".xii

These have only been a few examples of how the press misrepresents the facts of the Israel-Palestine debate. As demonstrated, the media downplays the actions of Israel, ignores the US support for the occupation, and denies the reader a context for the unfolding events that it covers. These combine to give the average American citizen a very biased and distorted understanding of the situation.

The media does this because the policy makers in Washington have decided that it is in America’s best interests to support Israel. In America, it is the media’s job to propagandize the public to get it to go along with government policy. This is important because America is a democracy and ultimately the government is responsible to its constituents.

Before one can talk about the media, one must understand its role in a democratic society, and to do this, one has to understand the different meanings of the word democracy. There are two starkly different conceptions. First, there is the dictionary.com definition: a democratic society exists when the citizens have a meaningful impact on how their country is run. Second, there is the working definition: Democracy exists when the country is run in the interest of the members of the business party, the “‘specialized class’, [who] manage in the ‘common interests’ [that for some reason] ‘very largely elude public opinion.”xiii The public is allowed to vote for either faction of the business party, thereby participating in this democracy.

The working definition came into existence after the turn of the 20th century. Working through popular movements, the public began exerting some control in the government. Simultaneously, the strength of these popular movements made it impossible for the government to continue imposing its will onto the public with the old-fashioned techniques of fear and intimidation. Thus, the media became vital to those in power because its role became to, “ensure that the ‘great beast,’ as founding father Alexander Hamilton called the public, [did] not stray from its proper confines”xiv. The means of acquiring knowledge were to be controlled by corporations, which were in the hands of the specialized class. This corporate controlled media would limit public discourse to ensure that the public would agree with the decisions made on its behalf.

It is important to understand that this is necessary because the public’s actual interests are very different than those of the specialized class. Once alternatives to the corporate controlled press were eliminated, the public’s means of acquiring knowledge would become very narrow. The term propaganda was invented the same time that the alternative to the mainstream, the working-class press, was eliminated from American society. This working-class press has a strong, well-documented history, and had a circulation comparable to the corporate press in America until the 1930s.xv When such alternatives to corporate media sources are absent, “the legitimization of existing authority and power relations is more readily maintained, and the myths that act to place primary reason in abeyance (i.e., the inherent good of the “free market,” economic competition, U.S. nationalism, [or support for Israel]) are invariably perpetuated…”xvi

The working-class press was aware of this new trend, and “according to Yale University labor historian David Montgomery, condemned what they called the "bought priesthood," referring to the media, the universities and the intellectual class, that is, the apologists who sought to justify the absolute despotism that was the new spirit of the age: “gain wealth, forgetting all but self”.xvii The independent press was powerless to oppose this trend, and its ability to represent popular movements and provide an alternative to the corporate media was destroyed.

“In 1920 there were 700 cities” in the U.S. “with competing dailies.” By 1986, however, despite a doubling of the population, “there were only a dozen cities with competing dailies.xviii The ideological battle to oppose the new ‘spirit of the age’ was also lost. By 2004, the media was controlled by just six intertwined corporations.xixTo sum up the defeat, one can quote “Nobel Prize winning economist James Buchanan, [who]writes 'what each person seeks [today]…is mastery over a world of slaves.'"xx

It is also important to understand why the specialized class has decided that unwavering support of Israel is in America’s national interests. For example, Israel has been a crucial ally in crushing radical nationalism in the Middle East, thereby securing energy resources in the area.xxi Because of its favorable status, it is the largest recipient of US foreign aid. A revelation of what the money is used for may render the public against this funding. This money is used for Israel’s expansionist policies which include but not limited to the "security wall" Israel has built over the years dividing Palestinian lands into little "Bantustans" & Palestinian cross traffic between their own lands then becomes subject to Israeli control via check posts. A fully informed public might oppose this if a debate is ever allowed to exist. The media ensures that this debate will not happen.

Also, the Israel Lobby is a very powerful force in Washington that does all it can to swing policy in favor of Israel.xxii Israel is the only Jewish state in the world, and was created in large part as a safe-haven for the Jews. Evangelical Christians, who also have religious ties to Israel, are among the strongest supporters of the Jewish state.

Oil has played the dominant role in guiding US policy in the Middle East for over 50 years. Resulting from these policies have been enormous profits for US companies. Furthermore, whoever controls the oil resources of the Middle East has a stranglehold and veto power over the world’s economic centers that are dependent on it, specifically Asia and Europe. As Asia and Europe continue to assert their independence from US policy after the end of the Cold War, and threaten to challenge America’s global hegemony, control over Middle East energy resources is become increasingly important in maintaining American power. xxiii

After its creation, support for Israel was originally mild, but it quickly reached unprecedented levels after the 1967 war. During this war Israel effectively crushed the Arab armies and along with it Arab-nationalism.xxiv This was very important because this Arab-nationalism was threatening US-Saudi oil corporations in the region. After defeating these forces, Israel found itself in a very favorable relationship with the US government.

After this moment, Israel became entwined with national interests specifically because it could help secure US-control of the oil in the Middle East. The US similarly supported the Shah of Iran, Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and the Saudi royal family in Saudi Arabia, because they could be depended on to secure control of the oil. The US government, as well as the media, ignored the crimes of these corrupt and brutal rulers. As long as these tyrants provided oil, they were not criticized in the US media in order to not jeopardize the close relationship the US enjoyed with these regimes. For example, just as criticism of Israel is absent today, it was unacceptable of Saddam Hussein when he was an ally. His barbaric acts of cruelty against his own people only became an issue and were reported in the press only after he fell out of grace with the US.xxv

Beyond the oil, support for Israel is necessary because it has been an important ally during the Cold War conflicts. For example, it supplied weapons to the Apartheid South-African regime and to the Contra terrorist forces that were attacking Nicaragua from Honduras. This was important, because despite the media’s shoddy reporting, the heinous crimes of those receiving US aid angered the public so much that grassroots movements were able to pressure Congress to pass laws in order to stop their funding. The public had strayed out of its confines, so the US government, still of course acting in the best interests of the public, used Israel as a conduit for the transfer of these weapons.

Another factor in suppressing dissent against US policy against Israel is the powerful pro-Israel Lobby in Washington. Professors John Mearsheimer, professor at the University of Chicago and Stephen Walt, professor at Harvard University recently published an 80-page paper The Israel Lobby in the London Review of Books. Because this article is largely critical of the large influence of this lobby, its US publisher refused to print it. The two professors bring up the issue of the pro-Israel lobby primarily because they feel that US support for Israel is now hurting US national interests.

According to Walt and Mearsheimer, the Lobby, as they refer to the groups that advocate support for Israel, is considered the second most powerful lobby in America after the American Association of Retired People. It uses its tremendous influence to stop debate of policies involving Israel. One of these policies is to fund both the Democrat and Republican parties, thereby buying their support. It also extensively pressures the media to portray Israel in only a good light. Some key supporters of Israel that are in Congress are Christian Zionists like Dick Armey, who stated in September 2002 that ‘My No. 1 priority in foreign policy is to protect Israel.’ xxvi“Evangelical support for Israel dates to the 19th century, when Christian Zionists called for the return of Jewish exiles to Palestine to fulfill biblical prophecies.”xxvii Many prominent Americans are Christian Evangelists and support Israel’s expansionist agenda; to do otherwise, they believe, would be contrary to God’s will. Such figures include Gary Bauer, Jerry Falwell, Ralph Reed and Pat Robertson, as well as Dick Armey and Tom DeLay, former majority leaders in the House of Representatives.

The Lobby’s power in the legislative branch is very important, as Walt and Mearsheimer establish: “A key pillar of the Lobby’s effectiveness is its influence in Congress, where Israel is virtually immune from criticism. This in itself is remarkable, because Congress rarely shies away from contentious issues. Where Israel is concerned, however, potential critics fall silent.”

After the Walt and Mearsheimer piece was published, it was immediately labeled as anti-Semitic in the America media. The resulting hysterics within the US accused the authors of anti-Semitism because they dare to suggest that a pro-Israel lobby even exists. The actual arguments were, of course, dismissed without comment. On the other hand, it had a mixed reception in Israel; it would seem that the US media is more staunchly pro-Israel than Israel is.xxviii For example, writer and former Israeli Knesset member Yuri Avneri wrote in response to the piece: “The findings of the two professors are right to the last detail. Every senator and congressman knows that criticizing the Israeli government is political suicide. If the Israeli government wanted a law tomorrow annulling the Ten Commandments, 95 U.S. senators (at least) would sign the bill forthwith.”xxix

As has been well documented throughout modern US history, the media in the country tends to go along unquestioningly with the government’s policy decision. Its role is essential because those in power believe that national interests elude public opinion. Overall, the media inaccurately portrays the Israel-Palestine conflict because at the moment unconditional US support for Israel is considered to be in the national interests. Policy makers have come to this decision and in American society it is the media’s job to sell this to the public. By avoiding and skewing the debate, the media assures that the public is both kept ignorant of the facts, and that an educated debate is impossible.

In order to solve this problem, the corporate media must once again have an independent counterpart. Once this is created, the corporate media’s automatic support of government decisions will no longer remain unchallenged. By restoring an alternative press that is outside the reach of private power, critical mainstream debate will resume once again, and the public will be able to evaluate for themselves if the government is acting in its interests.

What is specifically needed is a grassroots campaign to end the monopolistic control of the media by corporations. This must be combined with pressure applied to both the Democrat and Republican parties, forcing them to pass this reform. It is imperative to recall that no movement has had any success without an extensive grassroots organization behind it. This includes the movements that brought upon universal suffrage, the end to slavery, women’s right to vote and civil rights. All the values that we hold dear as Americans were fought and struggled for and would not exist if the public did not force them through the government. This struggle will be no different.

This movement will require is the participation of vast numbers of citizens, talking, educating and debating each other on the merits of this proposal. As soon as the movement is unified, it will demand that the government carry out its wishes, and because America is a democracy, the government will have to comply.

The exact demands and program of the movement will have to be conceived democratically, but they will likely follow a plan that will balance the influence and reach that the corporate media has with independent media. This includes news reporting in television and print, the basic ways that public educates itself and forms its views of the world.

To determine how the organization is run, elections will be held on the local level. Communities will decide what group of people will oversee the management of their local news media. These independent groups of citizens will oversee production, ethics, publication and distribution.

All the various branches of the federal government shall carry out the enforcement of this initiative. The forms of checks and balances currently in place are perfect for dismantling the monopolistic corporate control and making sure that transition to public ownership is smooth. The judicial branch will make sure that the reforms are upheld. The executive branch will be responsible for carrying out the reform. And legislative branch, both on a national and local level will be responsibly for passing further supporting laws as necessary. Funding will be carried out through public donations and taxpayer subsidies dollars if shortages occur. This will be maintained through creation of foundations created in Congress or local bodies.

An excellent example and possible model of independent media is the nonprofit organization Democracy Now. As it’s website www.democracynow.org, states, “Democracy Now! is funded entirely through contributions from listeners, viewers, and foundations. We do not accept advertisers, donations from corporations, or donations from governments. This allows us to maintain our independence.”

The show’s guests include experts with varying beliefs, and its goal is to provide an independent voice that the public can rely on to get the full story on issues. Views that contradict that of policy makers are openly debated on Democracy Now. For example, Democracy Now draws from a vast array of sources when covering the Israel-Palestine conflict. Noam Chomsky, Norman Finkelstein and Robert Fisk who are prominent critics of Israeli policy are regularly featured on Democracy Now while rarely getting coverage in the mainstream press.

While it serves as an outlet for critics of US policy, it also balances its coverage with features and debates with proponents of US policy. For example, the show recently broadcast a debate between pro-Israeli Harvard Professor Alan Dershowitz and Noam Chomsky, and a short while later a debate between Norman Finklestein and Former Israeli Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami. Citing experts and academics from a variety of backgrounds allows it to give its viewers, listeners and readers a much more complete and picture of the conflict than allowed in the corporate controlled press.

As Chomsky and Edward Herman in their seminal study on the mass media, Manufacturing Consent, conclude: “The organization and self-education of groups in the community and workplace, and their networking and activism, continue to be the fundamental elements in steps toward the democratization of our social life and any meaningful social change. Only to the extent that such developments succeed can we hope to see media that are free and independent.” xxx

Once the independent media’s voice is able to reach the general American public, it will be able to hold the government responsible, in reference to the Israeli-Palestine conflict. The result will be accurate cover both Israeli and Palestinian actions, fair depictions of US support for Israel and a complete historical context for the public.

They will show how actions of Israelis and Palestinians don’t occur in a vacuum, and encourage a fair debate of policies. It will expose false claims of anti-Semitism, which currently is the term applied to any critic of Israeli policy. The coverage will also include reports of non-partisan agencies such as human rights groups.

The current trend of one-sided Congressional votes in Israel’s favor will be examined. The United Nations General Assembly, Security Council, World Court’s rulings and decisions will no longer be dismissed with contempt or ignored. And finally, the media will be able to expose pressure by Israel lobby on the media and government

Lastly, the media will be able to provide a historical context in which the news unfolds. The history of the conflict and major figures, such as Ariel Sharon will no longer be censored. The term ‘Peace Process’ will be able evaluated and history of US and Israeli involvement with creation and funding of extremist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which eventually became Hamas, will be looked into.

By placing checks on those in power, a reasonable debate over policies will be forced to occur. Politicians will not be able to rely on the media to automatically agree with their decisions, may be forced to rethink policies, to prove to the public what their actions are in the best interests of their constituents.

“As Judge Gurfein ruled in supporting the right of the New York Times to publish the Pentagon Papers, a properly functioning democracy needs "a cantankerous press, an obstinate press, a ubiquitous press that must be suffered by those in authority in order to preserve the even greater values of freedom of expression and the right of the people to know”. xxxiSuch a press has not existed in the United States since the labor press was destroyed in the 1930s, but it is not out of the realm of possibility for this phenomenon to reemerge.

i Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict(New York: ST. Martin's Press, 1988)

ii Edward Said, gifted Palestinian scholar made two breakthroughs in his works Orientalism and Culture and Imperialism, in which he at length documented the prevalence of the racist stereotypes and characterizations of Arab people in Western scholarship and culture.

iii Although not uniformly biased against Palestinian, the media’s overall depiction of them in reporting has been thoroughly documented by media watch dog groups, such as Counter-Punch. http://www.counterpunch.org/kchristison0819.html

iv Rashid Khalidi,"The United States and Palestine" in Resurrecting Empire: Western Footprints and America's Periolous Path in the Middle East(Boston: Beacon Press, 2004.

v Robert Fisk, The Great War for Civilization: The Conquest of the Middle East(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 333.

vi Ibid, 4

vii http://www.caabu.org/press/documents/kahan-commission-contents.html

viii Robert Fisk “When Journalists Refuse to tell the Truth about Israel”, The Independent, April 17 2001, Independent.co.uk

ix9 Norman G. Finkelstein. "Why can Economic Boycott of Israel is Justified" Aftenposten. 1/14/2006

x www.amnesty.org/resources/pdf/ combating_torture/sections/section2-1-2-2.pdf


xi http://www.btselem.org/english/Press_Releases/20060104.asp


xii http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article1187.shtml


xiii Noam Chomsky, Hegemony or Survival (Boston: South End Press 2003 )

xiv ibid 13

xv Noam Chomsky "Democracy and Education." Mellon Lecture Hall. Loyola University, Chicago . 19 Oct 1994.

xvi James F. Tracy, “Smile while I cut your throat” Journal of Communication Inquiry 25:3 (July 2001): 298-325. Sage Publications.

xvii Ibid 15

xviii Ibid 16

xix Ben Bagdikian The Media Monopoly. Boston: Beacon Press, 2004.

xx Ibid 15

xxi Rashid Khalidi “The United States and Palestine” in Resurrecting Empire: Western Footprints and America’s Perilous Path in the Middle East(Boston: Beacon Press, 2004)

xxii Norman Finkelstein “Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History.

xxiii Noam Chomsky “Israel Lobby?” (Zmag.org, March 28, 2006)

xxiv Charles D. Smith, Palestine and The Arab-Israeli Conflict (New York, S Martin’s Press, 1988)

xxv Robert Fisk, The Great War for Civilization: The Conquest of the Middle East (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 333.

xxvi John Mearsheimer Stephen Walt The Israel Lobby in the London Review of Books

xxvii Bill Broadway, The Evangelical-Israeli Connection, the Washington Post, March 27, 2004.

xxviii Tom Regan, Israeli media condemn, discuss report on US-Israel ties. Csmonitor.com March 24, 2006

xxix Alexander Cockburn “The Uproar Over The Israel Lobby” The Free Press. May 5, 2006. http://www.freepress.org/columns/display/2/2006/1368

xxx Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent.Pantheon Books, 1988

xxxi ibid 30.

Defining an Occupation: Voices about Apartheid in the Palestinian Territories

By Jaisal Noor

Recently the United Nations General Assembly President Miguel d’Escoto Brockman joined a growing number of international figures when he equated Israeli policies with that of apartheid South Africa. “Although different,” he said, “what is being done against the Palestinian people seems to me like a version of the hideous policy of apartheid. That can not, should not, be allowed to continue.”

D’Escoto Brockman also suggested that, “the U.N. should consider following the lead of a new generation of civil society, who are calling for a similar non-violent campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions to pressure Israel to end its violations”

The comparison of the Israeli occupation to apartheid remains a controversial one, especially within the United States. Recently Palestinian-Canadian activist Diana Buttu and South African anti-apartheid activist Reverend Eddie Makue completed a two week, anti-apartheid speaking tour through eleven U.S. cities. Their trip was sponsored by the organization, U.S. Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation. I asked them to discuss the link between apartheid South Africa and the conditions in Palestine, the reasons behind their tour and their advice to activists hoping for change under the Obama administration. Here is an excerpt of the interview.

Jaisal Noor: Could you briefly describe apartheid in South Africa for those not familiar with it? Why do you find it important to make a link between apartheid in South Africa to the conditions in Palestine today?

Eddie Makue: Apartheid in South Africa was a formalized system of discrimination based on race, where the official policy of the government was separating people in society. The main sufferers under the system were the native black people of the country who particularly suffered separation under the basis of land, and on the basis of the movement of people in the country through some very rigid laws that were developed. And important to note is the fact that the system was rejected by the world calling it a crime against humanity. The rulers of the apartheid system considered themselves a law unto themselves and refused to be judged by any people, other then themselves.

What we find in Palestine in the moment is that there are very many similarities with apartheid South Africa in the sense that again it is a formalized institutionalized separation practiced by the Israeli authorities against the people of the Occupied Territories of the West Bank and Gaza. Where there are a whole range of mechanisms, like for example the apartheid wall, the use of the military and Israeli police in order to prevent the free movement of the Palestinian people, and that is — like in the case of apartheid South Africa — done against the will of the people that are the victims of the system.

JN: Why did you decide that now was the time for an anti-apartheid tour in the United States?

EM: We never anticipated that America with its own bad civil rights record would reach a situation where a black person would be appointed as the president. We believe that it is therefore appropriate at this time, when these changes are happening in the United States that this tour be undertaken.

When you talk about strategy — we have learned that often when the people lead that the leaders follow. [It’s essential] to build a critical mass the same way that the people of the United States supported anti-apartheid movements, that the people will again stand up to the challenge

Diana Buttu: This issue of apartheid is becoming quite mainstream in the U.S. In Israel itself, Israeli leaders are talking about how this is a case of apartheid. They are not willing to recognize that it is apartheid, but they are saying that is increasingly tending towards that direction.

JN: How might the situation be affected by president-elect Barack Obama’s appointments to key foreign policy positions. Which individuals poised to join Obama’s inner circle are you most concerned about?

DB: The appointment of Rahm Emanuel indicated to me that he simply doesn’t get it. Here is a person who has voted in favor of every single pro-Israel resolution since he’s been in office. The same individual who has even voted in favor of war in Lebanon, a war that was condemned by human rights organizations around the world. In addition to the fact that he has served in the Israeli army. It kinda just doesn’t get any worse than that in terms of being hawkish when it comes to Israel. So his appointment indicates to me either that Barack Obama is simply not interested in dealing with this issue or that if he is, going to deal with the issue, that he is going to take the same position that the Clinton [administration] took, which was to continue to blame the Palestinians, which he already did during his election campaign, to continue to put more pressure on the Palestinians to concede even further on their territory, to accept this apartheid framework, so that is very alarming.

What I think it then calls for activists to do is really start pushing the framework of apartheid and start demanding that a different framework and different approach be used when it comes to addressing this issue.

The solution is not to simply put an Israeli leader and a Palestinian leader in a room together and just pray and hope they get along. There is an occupation here; there is a denial of freedom and there is an apartheid system — not just for the Palestinians who are living in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip — but also for the Palestinians who are citizens of Israel as Israel defines itself as a Jewish state.

So the challenge for activists is not to just be content with idea of people sitting in a room, nor is it to be content with framework of negotiations that has been put forward by the Clinton administration, but to really start to push for global change in terms of the way that people are addressing this issue. Start demanding equality for the Palestinians. And this is why we have focused on the same tools that have worked in South Africa, that of boycott, divestment, sanctions. The three tools that worked in South Africa worked in the sense that it got global awareness as being tools that could similarly work to get more global awareness and push for an end to the apartheid that Israel is carrying out.

JN: What are some specific ways for activists to get involved?

DB: One of the tools that worked in South Africa was getting universities and colleges with investment funds to divest from those companies that were doing business with apartheid South Africa and so to there’s been a growing movement within the United States to push for the same thing. An initiative that is happening in New York is protesting Lev Leviev, who has a number of diamond stores in the New York area. This is an individual who himself has been funding a lot of the settlements and promoting this idea of Israeli-only roads, Israeli only housing in the West Bank. There have been a number of protests put on by Adalah-NY [The Coalition for Justice in the Middle East] in order to protest the work he is doing. Also, one of the tools that worked in Ireland was that people stopped consuming food coming from apartheid South Africa. If you look with bar codes beginning with a number 9-7-2 those are Israeli products.

EM: The two companies identified with the Campaign to End the Occupation to stop doing business with Israel are Caterpillar and Motorola, not only in cell phones, but supplying fuses for the bombs and equipment for the observation which inhibits the free movement of the people in the Occupied Territories. When we look at Caterpillar, we are encouraging people to look at the shares that they hold in Caterpillar, so that they don’t support through shareholding the companies operations in the Occupied Territories; but secondly also for people to attend meetings because they have shares in the company and to raise the concerns with regard to the way in which Caterpillar is conniving with the Israeli Defense Force in the destruction of the homes of people in the Occupied Territories.

When we talk about Motorola, we are requesting people to hang up on Motorola and there is a website, hanguponmotorolla.org. And in that particular initiative, we are saying to people that they can stop buying Motorola cell phones because Motorola is allowing its surveillance equipment to be used in the situation there and successes have been achieved before with Motorola where they supplied similar equipment to apartheid South Africa and also recently to Burma and the pressure from the consumers have made a difference, and we are requesting for that to continue.

—

Although he also is critical of the occupation, South African anti-apartheid activist and poet Breyten Breytenbach rejects equating Israeli policy to apartheid. I asked him to explain his position.

JN: In your 2002 open letter to [former-Israeli prime minister] Ariel Sharon, you said that Israel’s actions should not be equated with apartheid. Do you still hold that opinion? Why or why not?

Breyten Breytenbach: There are obviously many similarities between the laws, beliefs and practices that defined apartheid, and the Israeli policies pertaining to the occupied territories of Palestine — and even, to an extent, to Palestinians living in Israel as Israeli citizens. The informing principle in both instances is racism, born from Western colonialism; the essential purpose is economic exploitation and territorial theft; the instruments are segregation and state terrorism — death, humiliation, incarceration, etc.

My objection to equating Israeli policies to apartheid are as follows: It does not advance our understanding of the specificity of these historical and political phenomena (and a pre-condition for effective resistance is to clearly see the enemy ideology and politics for what they are). In this regard, I have said many times that “apartheid” was not “Nazism.” These facile equations may have some propaganda impact — because we all recognize the international revulsion caused by apartheid. And referring to the “known” is a shortcut in trying to make a statement and a bid for support, but we in effect weaken our case because the differences (in method or scale or even intention) can be too easily pointed out and thus undermine the purpose of our denunciations.

Each one of these horrendous paradigms are defined enough in their own specificity and history for us not to need facile equations, which take the place of deeper and closer analysis and understanding. The purported similarities between apartheid and Israeli/U.S. policies also suggest that similar tactics can be used to combat them — I think this is only marginally true. The historical context of these two phenomena are different and the international perceptions and thus possibilities of mobilizing solidarity are not the same either, despite lip service condemnation. The Israeli state is effectively supported from abroad, especially by the USA and significant parts of Europe — for geopolitical, financial and cultural or religious reasons — which was not the case with the SA [South Africa] regime, at least not to the same extent. Finally, in important ways the Israeli occupation actions are worse than those of apartheid — the hatred, the cynicism, the cruelty, the need to humiliate … are more intense and “intimate” than anything we ever saw during apartheid. And then, of course, the Palestinians have neither an ANC [African National Congress], nor a figure of the stature of Nelson Mandela.

JN: What actions must Americans take to help end the Israeli occupation?

BB: For obvious reasons, the USA is the power that could help end occupation and the bringing about of justice — equitable territorial partition (If the “two states” solution is adopted, although I believe that there should be enough political courage and moral imagination to bring about a single-state accommodating both communities), restitution, the return of the exiles, an end to land grabs and blockades, etc.

It could do so because of the intertwinement of U.S. and Israeli interests at both national and personal or community levels, and because of Israeli dependence on the U.S. Israel’s economy is largely artificial, a “war economy” fueled by American aid. What American citizens can do is for them to decide. Greater solidarity from Americans — exchanges, making the situation known, explaining that the Israeli occupation is pivotal to an understanding of the recurrent larger conflicts in the region, having more Americans physically present in the occupied territories to help build, to bear witness, to be “shields” if necessary — all of these will be useful, as long as it is clear that these acts of solidarity are not instrumentalized by religious differences or confrontations and are not anti-Semitic, either implicitly or overtly.

There is always the temptation to demonize the other, the “enemy” — and this is not only stupid, but ultimately self-defeating. No two peoples are as similar and have as much of a shared communality as the Israelis and the Palestinians. This is why it is also so very important for Americans to work with Israeli activists and opposition or even resistance groups, of whom there are quite a number.

Interview with Juan Gonzalez over the proposed term limit extension in New York City

By Jaisal Noor

Juan Gonzalez has been a columnist with the New York Daily News for the last 21 years and is the co-host of the independent news hour Democracy Now! Many consider Juan the top progressive journalist in New York City. He is the recipient of many awards and honors including the 2007 Pulitzer prize as well the author of three books.

In Nov 2005, Juan wrote a piece titled “Where have all the fighters gone”?” discussing the consequences of Bloomberg victory in that year's mayoral race. He provided an in depth analysis that was absent from mainstream discussion.

On Monday October 21^st, I sat down with Juan to discuss Mayor Bloomberg's controversial plan to extend New York City Term Limits from 2 to 3 terms. The council may vote as early as Thursday on the measure. Juan wrote a column for the daily news about the issue, but I wanted to give him the opportunity to a provide an in-depth analysis of a consequences of third term for the Bloomberg administration.

Listen to the interview (26 minutes).

Download URL: http://media.switchpod.com/users/jaisalnoor/InterviewGonzalez102008.mp3

Interview with two Colombian Anti-FTA Activists

Carlos Rocero --National Coordinator of Procesos de Comunidades Negras

Raul Arroyave- Secretary of International Relations of Central Unitaria de Trabajadores of Colombia

QUESTION- 2:36 Could you tell us why are here in NYC and the United States

Raul Arroyave: 2:48 -3:09 (SPANISH)

Translator: We were invited by groups here in NY to deal with questions about FTAs and other questions in terms of Human Rights and violence against trade unionists in Colombia.

Carlos Rocero : 3:35-4:03 (SPANISH)

Translator: 4:06- 4:31 Basically, they want to be able to talk to members of trade unions in the communities here in the United States about the effects of the FTA how they will effect the trade unionists in Colombia, afro-Colombians, indigenous populations, in COLOMBIA and they want to have a dialog with people here in NY

QUESTION: 4:32-4:54 Last week, in NY and DC, there was a large delegation of Colombians that came with Uribe's govt. Trade unionists, afro-Colombian activists to lobby on behalf of the FTAs. What is your response to their visit?

Raul Arroyave: 5:12 –5:52 (SPANISH)

Translator: 5:53-6:50 First of all, this just shows the desperation from the President of Colombia, Uribe, that wants to sign the FTA. Secondly, the delegation that came here are not representative of the trade unionists in Colombia. They are not representatives of the Afro-Colombian community there. Not. Rep. Of indigenous populations there. And 3^rd, it's ironic that during this economic crisis financial crisis, hat president Uribe wants the economy of Colombia to be linked into this economy that is collapsing. That is very ironic that he wants to do that.

Carlos Rocero : 6:51- 7:41(SPANISH)

Translator: 7:43 He says that Uribe, pres of Colombia, just following trajectory that ..he brought reps. Afro-Colombian representatives including minister that is afro-Colombian. Another sub-ministries that are afro-Colombian. Basically what Uribe wants to do is cover how this FTA affects the situation and plight of the Afro-Colombian population in Colombia – the FTA is not favorable to that community.

QUESTION: 9:50- : about recent assassinations.

Raul Arroyave: 10:14- 10:48

Translator: 10:48-11:34

He says yes it correct that 41 trade unionists have been assassinated and Colombia is the most dangerous place for trade unionists. In the last 20 years there has been 2,500 trade unionists assassinated. But along with this, this demonstrates that in Colombia there are no basic rights for workers to organize and to fight for their interests.

QUESTION: 11:35 How will the FTA affect the current situation?

Raul Arroyave: 11:44- 12:05 (SPANISH)

Translator: 12:07-13:01 Basically hes saying – The FTA extends cheap labor in Colombia. At the same time this leads to a displacement of workers here in the US because they want to use the cheap labor in Colombia. What this does it raises the profits will increase 10 fold for the companies

QUESTION: How will the FTA affect displacement within the Afro-Colombian Community,?

Carlos Rocero : 13:43-14:37 (SPANISH)

Translator: 14:40- 15:28 First of all, when the process of the FTA – there was never any consultation with these communities. The FTAs is going to end rights that existed historically- they are going to eliminate all those rights that were won in the past. This will also affect the environment, the natural resources and the territories for the Afr-Colombians, where the indigenous people live. And is not only going to affect that but effect the rights economically, politically culturally, socially of these population.

Carlos Rocero : 15:29-15:48 (SPANISH)

Translator: 15:48-16:07 In addition, many of these ? That are going to be affected by these FTAs are areas they are going to open up industrial areas where many, many people are going to be displaced. And this was the case of Buenaventura, one of the southern towns in Colombia.

QUESTION: 16:30 What is the significance of your visit that it coincided with the greatest US economic collapse in 60 years?

Raul Arroyave: 16:50-17:23 (SPANISH)

Translator: 17:23 First of all, this is something that people have been seeing due to the cyclical crisis of capitalism. That Marx spoke about the ..in the- 19^th C. Basic process the over production of goods.

Q 22:48 What do you want NY'ers to know (Rangel and FTA)

Rocero 24:03- 25 25 -(SPANISH)

the election inext month is a very important event for the country, for colombia, we think that the republicans are going to be defeated and we think that this is a point of weakness. The relationship between Colombia and the United States, especially with what has to do with whats favorable, and what we've maintained with the government and Uribe, to the Senator Rangel we'd tell him from colombia that he has to continue opposing the signature of FTA. The FTA doesnt serve any good to North Americans and neither does it serve any good to the colombian people. The FTA only serves good for corrupt north americans who are already rich and it also serves good for some corrupt colombians who are also already rich. For the town and the workers, who are the core of the work, the FTA serves them no good, which is why we're rejecting it, and we ask that the senator Rangel continues to do what he has done so far.

Q: What specific things do you want them to know?

Raul:
28:25- 29: 31(SPANISH)

In the united states there are thousands of afro-americans that are affected by the application of the internal anti-drug politics in the united states, and in the case of colombia something similar is going on. The anti-drug politics that are occuring there, in conjuction with the united states, is affecting the afro-colombians and also criminalizing them. Here (referring to the united states) the afro-americans go to jail treated as a criminal, in colombia they're fumigating them, the environment as well as the communites have poverty that is increasingly deteriorating them. Its a subject that Rangel has to know about so he can take a position which is strong and firm and where it isn't convenient to have the FTA but it also isnt convenient to have plan colomba with all the effects that it has on our country.

QUESITON 42: 44 : Colombia has a high level of violence against trade unionists, activists, which is carried out by the paramilitaries, which have very close ties to the US funded . What are your strategies to fight the violence and what should US citizens know and how can we help you fight the violence?

Raul Arroyave : 43:47- 44:53(SPANISH)

Translator- 44:55- 45: 45 The origin of this problem deals with the financial aid of this tragedy anti-drugs for the region. This is called plan-Colombia. Drug traffic has increased- as well as violence. The appearance that it keeps is the oppsite taking place

Carlos Rocero : 45:50- 47:35(SPANISH)

Translator47:40- 48:52

What is necessary is a complete change of anti-drug politics. Instead of fumigation, process of iradication. Theres many people that receive economic help from supposedly from Dept. Of State, but this leads to violations of basic respect for Human Rights. Here in the US community organizations, academics, and people fighting for basic rights have to be able to educate about the violence in Colombia the force disappearances, the lack of Human Rights and support the struggle in Colombia

Raul Arroyave: 48:54 – 50:28 (SPANISH)

Translator:50:30-51:57 The politics of the war against the drug traffic has the opposite effect. It promotes violence in Colombia. The so-called war against drug market has replaced the war against Communism. This is from the Cold-War. The hypocrisy of the politics of the US is that ...the drug traffic favors the US- 90% of the profit of the drug market goes to the US. Not even with this type of trade does Colombia get much out of it. The only thing Colombia gets out of this is death, fumigation by chemicals of destruction of lands, destruction of forests in mountains, this a tragedy that has to be dealt with.

QUESTION: Is there a message you have for the American people?

Raul Arroyave: 52:14- 53:17(SPANISH)

Translator: 53:20- 53:54 We would like to propose that there should be major demonstrations here in the US by the people and workers against the violence that is taking place. And that these demonstrations should be actions of solidarity that denounce the policies of Pres. Uribe against the Colombian people and the workers in Colombia. This will have an echo worldwide

Raul Arroyave 55: 25-58:09 (SPANISH)

Translator: 58:14- 101: 25

Today, if we look at the stats. Worldwide, the US has the products – total production the present crisis.... n this crisis of capitalism there is two ways capitalism tries to solve this problem One way is the process of war. Where most of the workers get killed- its the workers that end of dying. The 2^nd way the financial capitalists try to solve this crisis is by subjugating other countries. This is where the Free Trade Agreement comes into being. We don't want Colombia to be used to solve this crisis. This is a crisis that is irreversible and irrational related to the capitalist system. You have Gates who owns 64 million? Dollars. Then you have millions of people losing there homes. This is one of the contradictions of capitalism. We have to do more than fix the crisis but look more for a political system that are more democratic that will be able to deal with the needs of the people. We have to go beyond capitalism.

Segment of an interview with Kamau Franklin

I had asked him about the Bandele v. City of New York [A case of two Copwatch activists with the Malcolm X Grassroots movement who were harassed and detained by the police] and the police reaction. The conversation begins with Franklin talking about going to the arraignment of the Copwatchers the same night they were detained.

Kamau Franklin:(Talking about Case)

19:34- When I went there that night I've never been treated so well as a lawyer in my life. I had court officers coming up to me, ushering me through. "Are you guys ready, do you want to see your clients" And why was that? We had about 300 people in the audience, waiting for our guys to get arraigned. Not only from the M.X.G.R.M., but several different organizations, individuals from the community, politicians that we work with, who were all there in the audience. To be honest, the place was shook. The officers were shook. After the arraignment, our guys were released on their own recognizance. The audience broke out in cheers. The judge couldn't stop them from doing that. It took us 15 minutes to clear that court room-... people cheering the fact we took that action, that we continue to do to this day, this Copwatch. And when this arrest took place, people came out and responded, because they said "That could be me next" That could be us next, We're going to do a Copwatch next. So we have to make sure we have a response in place for that. So, post-that we filed a lawsuit. The C.C.R. has been a part of that lawsuit. Other attorneys have been working on that lawsuit. We fully expect the city to capitulate, to settle this case. We are fully prepared to take it to trial. But we know the city doesn't want to because they know that we have enough evidence based on the video tape, taped by the Copwatchers...

ME: stepping back a minute – what are the conditions in the community that lead you to be involved in Copwatch, and what is the main goal of it?

21:48 The main goal of Copwatch- is to prevent and to document human rights abuses by the police on individuals in the community. This is something we didn't start in the MXGRM. This is a history that goes back to the panthers in the 60s in California when they started the Copwatch. At that point they did it with guns, and not with cameras- and actually was legal to do it with guns in California at that particular point in time. So we inherited that as a movement strategy piece. That the role of our organization is to go out and help protect our community, let our community know what minimal rights we do have, but what those rights are, when stopped and confronted by the police. So, we want to make sure our community is protected in some way and that we go out there and let the police know that the conditions in the community, which we will talk about shortly. Are such that we need a Copwatch because we can't depend on the police to watch us, because we think the police are crooked , and we think the police are racist. And the information we have in terms of conditions of the street bear that out. Over the last 3 years alone, when documentation has been taken of whats happening in the street, the police have stopped over 1.5 million people over the last 3 years alone- documented stops by the police.

Q: Is this in NYC?
23:07
KF: In NYC alone, 1.5 million people. 90% have been black and Latino. Also, 90% of those don't end up in arrest or violations. Which means, the police don't have whats needed- whats called reasonable suspicion to stop somebody and start questioning them because they think a crime is taking place. So 90% of the time they are wrong. 90% of the time they are stopping people and what we think- harassing them, sometimes falsely arresting them, sometimes brutalizing them. These are the conditions which are documented. And we know these stats go back way before, but finally based on a lawsuit which was filed here at the CCR, some of those stats. Are now public, that we did;t have before. Thats very important to let people know that its not that we think theres a few rotten apples. No it goes way further than rotten apples.[24:00].. over 90% of the arrests are based on no evidence whats so ever and 90% of the arrests are on black and Latino people. And the last point that is really important is that these stops are police initiated stops. These stops are not that happened because someone said a crime took place or there's a call-in and the police are coming out. These are police initiated stops, so these are the cops themselves deciding we're going to stop you. We think the reason they want to stop folks is that they want to show whose in control, who's the bully on the block, who's the biggest gang on the block. That they are the ones who control the neighborhood and the community. And they don't care IN order to stop 1 person- maybe one from having a gnu. They will stop 100 people. They are happy because they got 1 gun off the street but they had to stop 1.5 million people.

25:00 What about all the other people who didn't have guns, who got harassed arrested, maybe punched, kicked, falsely accused of crimes, now have to pay money or go to court. These folks had to have their lives traumatic experiences.. when you know or feel like... you've done nothing wrong.

ME Q: 25:19 There has been a series of high-profile cases: Sean Bell, Amidu Dialo, Abner Lioma, the list goes on.. Are the police immune from accountability?

KF: Yes, Yes, and Yes. You have a court system that takes a officers word over an average person's word. Even when you have – we looked at LA right? Even when you had video-taped evidence of someone getting beat down, as in the Rodney King case, the police officers still got acquitted.

Here in the Sean Bell case – you had [26:13] evidence that they didn't have a gun, they didn't have any weapons in the car, but the police shot at them over 40 times killing him and no one gets convicted. So, the judges give the police the benefit of the doubt. The Politicians gave the police the benefit of the doubt, the prosecutorial system gives the police the benefit of the doubt.

Remember if it wasn't for the marches and demonstrations no one would have been indicted for this case. So, there's no doubt the corrupt criminal justice system that protects the police at the expense of the people in the community. That has been the case since the creation of the United States. Of America up until now. There has been changes at the borders – but if you shoot a black man, you can construct any story, that will do, they'll get you out." He moved fast, he looked at me wrong, he ran, I was scared", you think of the excuse, the court will validate it. That sounds good to me..

Disorder in Modern China: Analysis of Two Primary Documents

The first source examined was the address delivered by Yosuke Matsuoka, the Japanese delegate to the League of Nations, the second an analysis of the creation of the mythology of the Boxer Rebellion.

A proper understanding can only be achieved if the context of historical sources is examined carefully. Each of the sources presented attempt to address the causes of social disorder and political fragmentation in Chinese history. The sources deal with the effect that external powers had on China, the internal system of governance and state-society relationships in regards to the rural urban divide and inequalities in income and access to social benefits.

The first source examined was the address delivered by Yosuke Matsuoka, the Japanese delegate to the League of Nations. The League was set up after World War One as a forum for countries to address conflicts before they escalated into war. The Japanese delegate was speaking before the League was to vote on the findings of the Lytton Report in regard to the Japanese invasion and installment of the Mankuko puppet government in Manchuria.

The Japanese delegate addressed three issues in his speech. First, that the situation in China is quickly disintegrating into anarchy, second, Japan has a lot at stake in the future of China, and third that because Japan ultimately has China’s best interest at heart, it is not necessary for the League to intervene on China’s behalf.

The delegate makes many valid points in asserting that the situation was very bad in China. He correctly points out that for the previous twenty years a revolution had ripped through China. He goes on to talk about how tens of millions have lost their lives in the fighting, and that as a result of this fighting, tyranny, banditry, famine and flood has caused the lives of hundreds of millions to plunge into despair. He correctly points out that chaos reigns in China. The fundamental causes of the problems is the lawless condition and that the population was suffering under warlords. An objective observer would not dispute thisⁱ. Furthermore, the delegate argues that China has lost sovereignty and control of its territory, and is not doing its part of meeting its obligations to its neighbors.

The delegate is not only addressing the current issues, but also their long history. These arguments would resonate well with the audience at the League meeting, because each of the problems addressed was one of the main causes for rebellion in China during the previous 100 years. These rebellions targeted the source of trouble for the Chinese, which included the foreign presence. The other country’s delegates would be aware that these rebellions often targeted foreigners, required large military forces to defeat, and were costly in both lives and moneyⁱⁱ. Taking into account the audience, which included European countries with vast experience in China ranging from the Unequal Treaties to the Boxer Protocol, this would have been the most compelling part of the speech.

The delegate also claims that Japan has a lot at stake in China, especially Manchuria. Again, Japan’s heavy investment in Manchuria would not be disputed by anyone. Matsuko himself would go on to head the Japanese Railroad in Manchuria after Japan withdrew itself from the league. For a state to be in the League, the delegate argues, it has to be sovereign. Because China could not meet this requirement, it should have not been allowed to file a complaint against Japan in the League. Also, Japan claimed that Manchuria is not a part of China and the people living there are not Chinese. Therefore Japan wants to maintain independent Manchouko in the interests of the people living there. This was contrary to the Lytton report and repeated the standard colonial arguments made by othersⁱⁱⁱ.

When one finally arrives at the third contention, Japan’s argument quickly unravels. The basic argument that the delegate makes was that Japan wants Manchuria to become a land of law order, peace and abundance and that the ultimate aim of Japan is to help China. Unfortunately for the delegate, this falls into the standard colonial pattern. The address mirrored speeches by Napoleon when he invaded Egypt in 1798, the British when they invaded Iraq in 1920. Undoubtedly, each of these professions of good intentions was revealed to be false, just as history revealed Japan’s were. Simply, this is what one would expect from an invading army; these arguments can be dismissed. When one looks at Japan’s history in China, it is no different than that of the European powers. Seeing itself as their equal, Japan had used the same arguments these powers historically had used to establish itself as a colonial power in China, exploiting the countries resources and people just as its Western counterparts had. Naturally, the bloody history of Japanese intervention in China was omitted in the speech.

The result of this weakness of the speech complimented that the audience at the League were imperial countries themselves, and would be all too familiar with such talk. Therefore they would be able to see the transparent hypocrisy, which helped lead them to an unsurprising unanimous vote against the Japanese that followed the delegate’s speech.

The next source examined is also study in the construction of selective history, but this time, it originates from the Cultural Revolution. In Cohen’s analysis of mythologization of the Boxers, the author examines three critical periods of this construction of history: the attacks on Liu Shaoqi, on Confucianism and Soviet Revisionism. As Cohen points out in the article, history was used as a tool to reaffirm the revolution and because the Cultural Revolution was a factional struggle, by appealing to the past, the powerful arguments were made for discrediting state enemies.

A different enemy threatened the state in each of phases of the Cultural Revolution. In order to discredit the enemy, the Boxers were mythologized in order to create symbols of different revolutionary qualities. Then the enemy would be revealed as traitors or counterrevolutionaries for supposedly opposing these values.

To discredit Liu Shaoqi, it was alleged that he praised a film that negatively portrayed the Boxers. This made him a traitor because the film portrayed deep-rooted class hatred and imperialists as envoys of civilization while it made the boxers out to be “barbarous rioters”. Soon the Red Guards, vanguards of the revolution, joined the fray by inventing the idea that the Red Lanterns were a major historical force. As Perry points out, this was most likely done because of the number of similarities that existed between the portrayal of the Lanterns and the Guards (264). Once the connection between the Red Lanterns and Red Guards was established, anyone who disparaged the Red Lanterns was doing the same to the Red Guards, thereby criticizing the revolution. This “made point that one’s attitude toward the Boxers and the Red Lanterns was an indicator if one was a true revolutionary or a fake one.” This was in reference to the manufactured image, which had little relation to historical fact.

Later in the Cultural Revolution when the official target became Confucianism, the image of the Boxers was again molded to suit the purpose of discrediting the enemy. Confucianism adhered to strict beliefs that women were inferior to men. So, in this case, a story about a female Red Lantern leader Lin Hei’er was concocted in which she took on the corrupt a male authority figure. So when she attacked him in a tirade, wasn’t “just [the standard story of] a working class person talking up to a member of a ruling class, it is also a female in a patriarchal society talking down to a male”. Similarly, when her Red Lanterns [engaged] the imperialistic forces in battle, “it is not simply a case of primitively armed Chinese fighting against foreigners, but also of women fighting with men (273)”.

When, as a pretext for a renewed military presence Soviet historians tried to fabricate the historical role of the Russian army in Asia, the Chinese responded in kind to discredit this idea. The Soviets made the Boxers out to be ignorant, superstitious, and blindly anti-foreign. This was done while heaping praise on Czarist armies for helping civilize and modernize China. In response, Chinese historians did their own reconstruction, selectively and liberally quoting sources to make the Russians seem like the ones who were truly ignorant and barbarous. As part of the Chinese reconstruction, the sources were cited accurately, but with no attempt to deal with them critically, in context or objectively. For example, the Chinese omitted mention of the Boxer’s supernatural powers because this would not go along with the pre-selected image.

Mao used propaganda was used to mobilize the masses in an effort to consolidate control of the government away from the Communist Party. This addressed the gap between urban and rural dwellers by glorifying the proletariat and attacking symbols of their historic class struggle: against both ineffective, corrupt bureaucracy and imperialism. Similarly, the Communist Party had agitated the apathetic poor farmers during the revolution^iv. Because the Boxers were presented as an example of the poor rising up in revolution, it appealed to rural Chinese masses, which constituted the majority of the population. It recognized that addressing their needs was necessary for a Chinese government to be legitimate and to retain power. Mao was able to harness and attempted to benefit from this by making the state enemies out to be the enemies of the masses and empowering the masses to rise up against their oppressors.

The third article deals with recent attempts to address historical injustices that have existed against farmers throughout Chinese history^v. The Chinese farmer has historically been the subject of exploitation, a depressed agricultural system, lack of good arable land, and among the most severally effected by natural disasters. Discontent peasants have often risen up and fought their back against perceived oppressors when conditions become intolerable. Reforms in the Chinese government have in recent years created outlets for this frustration and empowered the rural poor to address their grievances to prevent disorder and lawlessness from breaking out.

Due to various changing conditions, lodging complaints is now a viable way to correct these wrongs. The authors emphasize that this process is not simple, easy or always successful. Villagers have become more defiant since the end of the communal system because the taxes and grain that the village takes now comes directly from the farmer’s pockets, and due to this, Village cadres sometimes have to use force. Villagers freed from commune question why they need cadres who take so much but offer little benefits.

Also, villagers more aware of prices in cities and know the prices that their goods are being sold for elsewhere. Villagers are more connected then ever with other communities, and realize that they are not isolated in their plight^vi. News of successful lodging of complaints travels fast and news of success motivates others. Electoral reforms also help empower villagers, who are increasingly aware of two laws in particular the Organic Law and the Administrative Litigation Law that gives villagers the right to sue officials for wrongdoing. Previously protected Cadres also make themselves venerable when they have violated a hard to ignore sate policy or law.

Despite of these new opportunities, only well organized are complaints successful. Also, despite the new vulnerabilities, protections for village cadres from higher authorities remain. Villagers use a variety of tactics to respond to this. They use traditional forms of protests combined with symbolic and modern proactive methods. Ultimately, a complaint won’t be successful unless one can persuade other villagers and get public support.

Lodging complaints is now viable because higher-ups in the Communist party are acting on the knowledge that throughout Chinese history, unrest in poor populations has destroyed the prosperity of the country. Also, they understand the difficulties of administering the enormous and diverse Chinese countryside is no easy task. While steps have been made to increase reform, the overall authority of the village cadre has been maintained to preserve order.

The fourth and final source used was the Qiu Ju Film. This film’s topic is how the average peasant in China could seek redress. This is a story of the main character fighting bureaucracy. One hundred, or even fifty years ago, this would have been impossible. But now living in the 1990s, in a different China, Qui Ju had an alternative: she could take on the system. This, of course, was going to prove to be not easy, partially because China is so huge and diverse and partially because its not supposed to be simple. The reality of the complaint system proved that only a dedicated and impassioned effort, such as Qiu Ju’s, could be settled acceptably.

In the film Qiu Ju shows the attempt of a young couple to actually use the system to lodge a complaint because of a transgression committed against them by the village cadre. The movie showed her journey in getting justice, as the village cadre attacked her husband over a misunderstanding and caused him to suffer a severe injury. For Qiu Ju, the compensation had to come in the form of an apology. She was offered a cash compensation, which was thrown at her, but she took this as an insult. All she wanted was to humble the man that had brought her husband so much pain, in the form an apology.

The movie was testimony about the system described in the O’Brien and Li piece. As that article pointed out, a complaint had a much better chance to succeed if I was done collectively with the backing of large numbers of villagers. Unfortunately for her, Qiu u did not have this. Instead she was armed with a sense of justice and a never dying perseverance.

Qiu Ju was pitted against many challenges. First, she had to face corruption at local level. Then, as she persisted, and went into a city to appeal further, she was confronted with China’s enormous rural-urban divide. She was in a foreign land- a land totally she was completely unfamiliar with and unprepared to deal with. This confrontation pitted the China of the past, the rural farmer, with the China of the future- that of cities and capitalism. The result of this was that they were taken advantage of, over-charged for a taxi for example. Adapting to this new environment was one of her biggest challenges.

Furthermore, Qiu Ju was confronted with the Chinese disconnect between state and individual. Of course this had come a long way since the days of the Imperial Rule in China, but for people living there, the movie argues, that there is still plenty of space for improvement. Throughout this time, she and her husband were victims of the powerful prejudice that is prevalent throughout Chinese. Yue Daiyun described it in To the Storm; despite the enormous contributions they give to society, people from urban areas look down at people from rural areas. Lastly, Qiu Ju’s trip into the city highlights one of modern China’s failures, a booming economy for the middle and upper-classes, with a peasant backbone of the country that have not seen their lives change much in the last hundred years. With the end of the Imperial system though, and the establishment of the Communist system, the movie shows what greater government penetration into villages accomplished and what it has done to address the age long issues of the role of the rural farmer in Chinese society.

As the saying goes, one who doesn’t learn from history is bound to repeat its mistakes, and so defines the task of historians: to learn from this and affect positive change where we are able to. The first two sources examined historical wrongs, while the second two look at ways of addressing them.

The final two sources examine how China is finally addressing the greatest historical challenge it has faced, its own discontented poor. One has to respect the progress that has been made by the Chinese government in the areas of rural reform. While one can argue things have improved, the reality on the ground shows that much work is still left to be done if one takes into account the lives of rural farmer. Even though China’s population is becoming more and more urban, it still relies on its farmers for its most basic need: food. If history has shown that the Chinese poor can rise up and cause great disorder when the pressure put on them is too great, one would have to immediately look to the future. The pressures that the future holds for the farmer will be greater than they have ever faced. Already faced with competition from urban developments, this problem will only get worse. Furthermore, as China’s population continues to increase at a rapid pace, another pressure being applied to the farmers is the question of how the country will feed itself in thirty years. If one is to have an understanding of such problems, how the government will responded to them, and how to evaluate the government’s words and actions, one has to look at the past.

The first source is important because it does just that. It demonstrates that concentrations of power, such as an imperial power, will profess the best of intentions and attempt to construct a history that absolves them of any responsibility. The contemporary example that one could relate this is the speech Donald Rumsfeld’s gave in Iraq after the US invaded^vii; his arguments are strikingly similar to those of the Japanese. The irony of course, is lost on the US government and not pointed out by press. This takes the reader to the Perry article, which examines the effect of propaganda on a society in which dissent is suppressed. A parallel can be drawn to again to America in the 1930s when the only mainstream alternative to the corporate owned press, was destroyed. To quote a study on this period,

When true alternatives to mainstream commercial newspapers and electronic media are not available, however, the legitimization of existing authority and power relations is more readily maintained, and the myths that act to place primary reason in abeyance (i.e., the inherent good of the “free market,” economic competition, U.S. nationalism) are invariably perpetuated by the powers that control the means of discursive exchange and dissemination.^viii

History long ago proved the immense power of propaganda, but as the world’s experience with the Holocaust proves, this alone does not absolve one of their responsibilities as human being. With the greater than ever concentration of control of the world’s media in the hands of fewer and fewer corporations which have increasingly close ties to the government, this raises serious questions and needs to be addressed in the context of the Cultural Revolution, and other similar historical phenomenon.

If one lesson can be taken from this, criticizing one’s country or party is the hardest thing to do. One has to be aware of the power in the construction of history. One needs to be critical, and detached from loyalties if truly after history. Chinese historians, for example, must understand what to expect when their government prepares to deal with its, for example, looming confrontation between farmers and land developers. One also has to draw a parallel, and examine our own society. Do intellectuals continue to push the party line in the mainstream press? Many outside of the mainstream would say no, but this is a discussion for another day.

i McCord, Edward “Burn, Kill, Rape and Rob: Military Atrocities, Warlordism, and Anti-Warlordism, in Republican China,” Scars of War, 18-47.

ii “ A Western Account of the Boxer Rebellion” http://unx1.shsu.edu/~his_ncp/bxr2.html

iii Duara, Prasenjit, “Manchukuo: An Historical Overview,” Sovereignty and Authenticity, 41-86

iv Bianco, “Peasant Responses to Chinese Communist Party Mobilization Policies, 1937-1945,” Peasants without the party, 231-243.

v Berstein and Lu, “Burdens and Resistance: Peasant Collective Action,” 116-165.

vi Lewis, John and Xue Litai, “Social Change and Political Reform in China” Meeting the Challenge of Success,” The China Quarterly, 2003, 926-942

vii Khalidi, Rashid, "The United States and Palestine" in Resurrecting Empire: Western Footprints and America's Perilous Path in the Middle East(Boston: Beacon Press, 2004) pg 37.

viiiTracy, James F. "Smile While I Cut Your Throat:" Mass Media, Myth, and the Contested "Harmonization" of the Working Class. Journal of Communication Inquiry, Vol. 25, No. 3, 298-325 (2001) © 2001 SAGE Publications

Movie Review "Feast or Famine" in China

The movie "Feast or Famine" is an intriguing look into China's relationship with mother nature; more specifically the film explores China’s huge problem of water use and rainfall. China's problem is very interesting because of its varying geographic features. In the south, there is often not enough rain, but in the North there is often a problem with flooding. This has been an age old long problem that the Chinese have had to deal with and China has suffered, as the film mentions, some 1200 famines in recoded history. The overall problem is that the Chinese are trying to feed one third of the worlds population with 7% of the world's arable land. The little amount of arable land that is available is constantly being encroached upon by developments, which doesn't help the problem at all.

Along with the problem of lack of arable land and droughts is flooding. As the film showed, hundreds of millions of lives are affected by the water levels of the major Chinese rivers, and much work has to be done by government officials to protect these lives. In 1998 specifically, because of worst flooding since 1954, levies had to be broken and 100,000 farms had to be sacrificed to save millions in the cities. It was saddening to witness the devastation these floods cause but later events in the movie left the viewer with some hope for the future of these people. There were many government programs being devoted to the victims of this natural disaster. The hope for these people lies in China's ingenuity in dealing with these problems, and its abilities to use modern technology and innovations to fight flooding and to keep up the production of food goods to feed the expected 300 million people increase in population over the next 20 years. overall the film provides a sobering view of China's relationship with water, but also extensively explores what is being done to fight and prevent future catastrophe.